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ISSUE
ANALYSIS No.20
October 23, 2007
Power
breeds corruption, and corruption anesthesizes.
The
Corruption of Power

Seen
from all angles, the latest scandal that has wracked the presidential
office should only lead to either an impeachment or resignation
by its occupant. But if Mrs. Gloria M. Arroyo goes, will that have
solved the real problem? Will her departure and, possibly prosecution,
guarantee that briberies, malversation, fraud, and nearly all other
violations of every provision of the Constitution, the Anti-Graft
and Corrupt Practices Act, and other laws involving this high office
won’t happen again?
A
senator last week called for the President’s resignation,
saying that her term as chief executive is beyond repair and beyond
redemption.[1] But that is just looking
at one side of the coin. Having been in public service himself for
decades and with a record of sorts as a critic of authoritarianism
and misgovernance, he should be able to see the whole picture that
it is the entire government institution run by the elite that is
beyond repair and beyond redemption.
In
this government, every scam and every scandal that hogs the headlines
throws Arroyo in the spotlight. The heat generated by the $330-million
ZTE national broadband scandal has not simmered down and there she
was embroiled in yet another reported bribery. Exposes and admissions
made by at least three governors and two House members told of an
Oct. 11 meeting at the presidential office where 190 pro-administration
congressmen and 50 governors were given brown bags each containing
cash ranging from P200,000 to P500,000. The money, according to
some estimates, totaled P150 million to P200 million. The provincial
executives were told that the “cash gifts” were for
“barangay projects”; those given the congressmen were
supposed to preempt another impeachment against the President. There
were no receipts, just cold cash, and the Department of Budget and
Management (DBM) denied it ever came from its office.
Based
on the admissions and evidences shown, the distribution of “cash
gifts” constituted bribery. If it was intended for “barangay
projects,” it was still illegal under the election code which
prohibits fund releases during election period. The barangay elections
take place on Oct. 29.
A
garbage of filth
The
bribery scandal has unwrapped a garbage of other filth. There were
reports about how several congressmen would regularly receive similar
cash gifts as “productive bonuses” and during the two
impeachment complaints against the President; and of how local officials
after meetings in Malacanang would leave clutching thick envelopes.
“Pork barrels,” the release of which is now under the
DBM, were being collected only by pro-Arroyo congressmen. There
were also stories, not the least denied, about the President meeting
Catholic bishops where money changed hands for “charitable
projects” and how Palace assistants keep a birthday list of
some 100 eminent clergymen.
The
stories about crooks, thieves, and liars in high places go deeper.
As the new controversial bribery sparked renewed calls of presidential
resignation and impeachment, GMA News Research revealed a Commission
on Audit (CoA)[2] report admonishing
offices under the President to account for “sundry questionable
expenses” in 2006. The CoA, the TV report said, asked the
offices to account for donations for calamity areas diverted to
spruce up the Palace golf course, huge amounts of unliquidated cash
advances, loans issued without records, and questionable purchases
of supplies, equipment, and property. Based on the GMA story, the
unaccounted expenses amounted to at least P2.074 billion.
The
limelight captured by the scams and scandals involving the President
for several weeks had stirred another public outrage with a new
report by the anti-graft watchdog, Transparency International, where
the Philippines dropped several notches lower in corruption rating.
The Philippines was ranked earlier as one of the top countries in
Asia in terms of corruption. The report came on the heels of allegations
of corruption and illegal gambling money involving the President,
her family and cronies, questionable transactions, election fraud
involving billions of government funds, and other cases that took
place since Mrs. Arroyo came to power in 2001.
Abuse
of power
The
culture of impunity that has marked the extra-judicial killings
of dissenters and presidential critics rears its ugly head in another
form here: the impunity of abuse of presidential power. Although
the scams and scandals wracking the present regime have deep roots
in the culture of patronage and clientelism practiced by all presidents
since Manuel Roxas, Mrs. Arroyo brings into this system another
dimension. Political survival due to lack of constitutional legitimacy,
as a result of election cheating in 2004, has forced Arroyo to rely
on the support of the military and police as well as on patronage
politics, in the case of pro-Malacanang legislators and LGU officials.
To maintain this support mechanism, patronage system is given full
play in which money changes hands – often, as alleged, sourced
from public funds – coupled with preferential treatment in
multi-million development projects and other incentives.
The
beneficiaries, in turn, consider this as part of political culture
in which presidential dole-outs help sustain support from their
network of relatives and constituencies, as well as to guarantee
electoral votes for the President and her allies. So deeply embedded
is this web of pay-offs and dole-outs that it has led to the paralyzation
of constitutional checks and balances, with, for instance, Congress
which is dominated by pro-Arroyo allies using their numbers to block
impeachment complaints against their patron. As alleged, even some
members of the Catholic hierarchy have been trapped in this culture
so that the voice that they used to lend in the ouster of Marcos
in 1986 and Estrada in 2001 is now sealed. Power breeds corruption,
and corruption anesthesizes.
For
decades, the Philippines has earned notoriety in the realm of corruption
precisely because of the wrongdoings of its top bureaucrats, whether
civilian or military, and where graft and corrupt practices, like
termites, devour every layer of the bureaucracy and every unit of
government. Key institutions that are supposed to check this malady
– including the conservative Catholic hierarchy, business,
and some “civil society” technocrats – have also
been infested with these corrosive and anti-people practices.
The
poor as victims
Yet
the money that is lost to graft and corruption would have sent millions
of poor children to school or increased the wages of government
employees, including rank-and-file military and police forces. The
funds squandered because an allegedly plunderous president must
stay in office could have saved the lives of millions of sick people
who have never seen any doctor in their entire lives.
Government
has been in the hands of the ruling elite ever since it was introduced
by the Americans as an adjunct of their colonial rule. Name any
president, a member of Congress, or a local official and chances
are big that he or she comes from a political dynasty whose rise
to power is made possible by the considerable share of economic
wealth it has appropriated. Not for reasons of making this country
a better place to live in or for some altruistic goals of freeing
the poor from centuries of bondage of class exploitation and oppression
do they get themselves elected or appointed – chances are,
through fraud or influence - to the niches of power. They are in
government because political or bureaucratic power enables them
to ransack public funds and inflate the ill-gotten private wealth
that they already possess. Corruption helps increase the power of
the elite and renders the poor classes more marginalized economically,
socially, and politically.
The
scams and scandals that plague the bureaucracy aggravated by the
paralysis of institutional mechanisms against graft and corruption
are what make the governmet system rotten to the core. At the rate
by which the government is losing its credibility one begins to
ask whether a mere transfer of presidential seat from one person
to another or a shift to another form of government is enough to
cure the cancer that afflicts the infrastructure of governance.
The ultimate victims, after all, are the people. The sooner the
nation realizes that it’s about time that elite power must
end the better for its future. Governance is about who wields the
political power. Political power should be in the hands of the people.
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[1]
His call for resignation by the President has since touched off
similar calls by multi-sectoral groups, a number of leading Catholic
bishops, and other individuals.
[2] “Palace misused charity funds,
gave loans sans records – CoA,” Malou Mangahas, GMANews.TV/GMA
News Research, Oct. 17, 2007.

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